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Abstract: This chapter focuses on the (re)-emergence of the trafficking norm in the late twentieth century, focusing on the elaboration of the new anti-trafficking UN Palermo Protocol in 2000. The intersections of moral entrepreneurship by transnational civil society actors with nation-states’ interests through the diplomatic negotiations are charted at the heart of the chapter. However, in line with the indicated importance of recognising the hallmarks of politics ‘before’ on ‘new’ norms, this chapter begins by recalling the previous lifecycle of anti-trafficking activism in relation to the production of anti-slavery conventions and ‘moral panics’ surrounding ‘white slavery’ at the turn of the twentieth century (Doezema, Feminist Review , 67(1), 16–38, 2010; Limoncelli, The politics of trafficking: The first international movement to combat the sexual exploitation of women . Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010). Arguably this pre-history has left its mark on the new wave of trafficking activism, which still focuses chiefly on trafficking in women and children for sexual exploitation. This legacy of prostitution abolitionist movements can also be discerned in one influential strand of contemporary anti-trafficking entrepreneurship. Turning to the Palermo negotiations, the chapter provides a genealogy of the key moral entrepreneurs at the negotiations and reveals the high degree of contention between different movements as to the definition of trafficking and best means to tackle it. Abolitionist organisations like the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW) clashed intensely with others such as the Global Alliance against Traffic in Women (GAATW), GAATW’s position being anti-abolitionist and pro-sex workers’ rights. By offering a careful tracing of the record of each of the sessions through which the Protocol was negotiated, this chapter analyses the influence of differing lobby groups on the wording of the document. It will also show, however, that shifts in the language of the Protocol came not only as a result of moral entrepreneurship, but also due to the differing interests of nation-states. As it evolved the Protocol became more of a border control, security and anti-crime instrument, meeting the needs of state parties more than defending the rights of migrant workers subject to exploitation. These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.